Stupid Dirty Tricks ; The Trouble With Assassinations
By TIM WEINER
Published: November 23, 1997
Editor's Note Appended
WASHINGTON—
FOR seven years, Washington has warred and jawed,
dispatched legions of troops, dropped bombs both smart and dumb, fired
missiles and hired spies, broadcast propaganda, enforced sanctions,
launched ships and jets, solemnly threatened and sternly resolved. And
Saddam Hussein is still standing.
The bandit of Baghdad has caused Washington so much
grief that many an American has wondered: Why don't we just . . . you
know . . . get rid of him?
The answer? Two words -- Operation Mongoose.
Operation Mongoose was the secret effort approved by
President Kennedy, and spurred by Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy,
to make Fidel Castro disappear. The Kennedys were ''operating a damned
Murder Inc., in the Caribbean,'' in the indelicate words of President
Lyndon B. Johnson.
The White House plotted assassinations and all-out
attacks, and it used covert action, paramilitary operations, subversion,
sabotage, sophomoric pranks and the services of a certain Sicilian
fraternity to eliminate the Cuban leader -- who is, notably, still
giving seven-hour speeches in Havana.
Pentagon documents declassified last week show for
the first time how manic and how murderous the military plans for
Mongoose became. They also serve to illustrate why the United States
doesn't plot assassinations anymore, even against the most irritating of
despots.
The weird, night-blooming schemes of Mongoose
proliferated after the botched Bay of Pigs invasion in April 1961. The
Central Intelligence Agency devised 33 different plans, ranging from
attacking Cuba's sugar crops with biological weapons to hiring Mafia hit
men. Its Technical Services experts made pens to inject Castro with
poison, a toxic wet suit intended as a lethal gift -- everything but a
nuclear-tipped cigar.
The military side of Mongoose was every bit as
inventive, and equally ineffective. For example, Mongoose's chief, Air
Force Brig. Gen. Edward G. Lansdale, thought that the people of Cuba
could be convinced, through rumors, that the Second Coming was at hand,
if only the satanic Castro were overthrown. This plan climaxed with a
great burst of white light over the island, phosphorescent starbursts
from shells fired from a Navy submarine. Skeptics at the C.I.A. labeled
it ''Elimination by Illumination.''
The Pentagon's kit bag was brimming with tricks, the
newly released documents show. In Operation Free Ride, American planes
would air-drop one-way airline tickets to Mexico City or Caracas. In
Operation Good Times, those same planes would bombard the island with
faked photos of a fat and happy Castro gorging on food and sex. (''This
should put even a Commie Dictator in the proper perspective with the
underprivileged masses,'' the Pentagon planners wrote to General
Lansdale.)
Even John Glenn
There was even a dirty trick code-named Operation
Dirty Trick: ''to provide irrevocable proof by manufacturing various
pieces of evidence'' showing that if John Glenn died aboard the Mercury
space shot in 1962, it was Castro's fault.
But the Joint Chiefs of Staff believed that
''military intervention by the United States will be required to
overthrow'' Castro. In April 1962, they approved plans for ''pretexts''
to justify that attack.
''We could blow up a US warship in Guantanamo Bay
and blame Cuba,'' the Pentagon's planners mused. ''We could develop a
Communist Cuban terror campaign in the Miami area, in other Florida
cities and even in Washington. The terror campaign could be pointed at
Cuban refugees seeking haven in the United States. We could sink a
boatload of Cubans en route to Florida (real or simulated),'' they
wrote. Or ''create an incident which will demonstrate convincingly that a
Cuban aircraft has attacked and shot down a chartered civil airliner.
These plans remained fantasies.
Thirty-four years ago this weekend, on Nov. 22,
1963, Robert Kennedy was scheduled to meet with a cadre of Cuban coup
plotters, the newly declassified documents show; the same day, the
C.I.A. delivered its poison pen to a potential assassin in Cuba. And
then the President was killed. The assassination cooled the murder plans
in Washington.
Two decades ago, after the basic facts of Mongoose
came out, the United States formally forswore assassination as a tool of
foreign policy. But the milder methods of Mongoose remained in play, in
many theaters of war.
In 1996, the C.I.A. had a base in northern Iraq that
functioned something like its station in Miami in the early 1960's -- a
place to plot against the palace from exile. The agency beamed radio
propaganda into Iraq, recruited defectors as intelligence agents, tried
to undermine the regime. But Saddam crushed the base. The Iraqi exiles
proved no more effective than their Cuban counterparts, the dreamers who
led imaginary provisional governments, and the brave ones who died
brutally for their lost country.
The United States may still be learning lessons from
Mongoose and a thousand other covert actions. These may be that
democracy does not grow out of the barrel of a gun, that silver bullets
don't work, that murder will out and that evil regimes fall in the
fullness of time, when they ripen and rot, not necessarily when the
United States sends soldiers, spies and starry shells.
Photos: The durable Saddam, left, on a swim.
(Reuters); The even more durable Fidel, in 1978. (Associated Press)
Editor's Note: October 30, 1998, Friday An article on Sept.
29 discussed the release of 60,000 secret documents on the killing of
President John F. Kennedy. Their declassification occurred over a
period, leading up to the final report of a citizens' commission created
by Congress six years ago to dispel lingering suspicions that the truth
had been hidden. Discussing criticism of the Warren Commission,
which investigated the assassination at the time, the article said that
one member, Allen W. Dulles, a former Director of Central Intelligence,
had failed to tell fellow members ''that Kennedy had ordered the C.I.A.
to assassinate Castro.'' The article did not cite evidence or authority
for the assertion about the President. Earlier articles, on July 20,
1997, and Nov. 23, 1997, also declared without qualification that
Kennedy ordered Fidel Castro's assassination. A number of prominent
historians and officials with knowledge of intelligence matters in that
era have asserted in interviews that President Kennedy gave such an
order. But others, also close to the President, dispute their account.
The Times's practice is to attribute or qualify information that it is
unable to report firsthand. That should have been done in these cases.
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